May 20, 2015

Kentucky Abolitionist Cassius M. Clay in Rockcastle County, 1853

I haven't been able to find any articles that reprinted the full text of the resolutions written by the Rockcastle slaveholders. If you find one, please let me know in the comments or email. Thank you!



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[September 3, 1853] -

AN ABOLITION EMISSARY. -- A man named Parker having been discovered in Mt. Vernon, Rockcastle county, tampering with the slaves, he was arrested and lodged in jail. After remaining there a few days C. M. Clay came to his rescue, and notwithstanding the protestations of the citizens, who advised Mr. C. of the incendiary and illegal character of Parker's proceedings, he was bailed out. A meeting was held on the 27th of August, and resolutions were passed in resolution to the matter. We select the last:

4th. Resolved, That we condemn in the highest degree the course of C. M. Clay, who came to our county, under the pretence of Philanthropy, and rescued a man from jail, who had violated the laws of the country, and who he was assured was destitute of moral character--thus rendering the laws of our country powerless, and in effect, saying to all such men as Parker, do the same thing over again, and I will protect you, and saying to the negro, you may violate female chastity or murder the infant and make your escape to A. G. W. Parker or John G. Fee and you will find protection. [1]





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[September 10, 1853] -

CASSIUS M. CLAY.-- The people of Rockastle, Ky., have held a meeting and passed some strong resolutions condemning the action of C. M. Clay in the case of one Parker, whom they call an "Abolitionist Emissary," and who have been imprisoned for inciting slaves to leave their masters. His offence consisted in having procured the release of Parker, he, (Clay,) entering bail. [2]





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[September 24, 1853] -

AGITATION IN KENTUCKY.

The following address of Cassius M. Clay to the people of Kentucky, will explain for itself the circumstances under which it was issued. We copy it from The Kentucky News.

To the People of Kentucky:

WHITEHALL P.O., Sept. 2d, '53.

A portion of the slaveholder of Rockcastle county, August 27th, 1853, have put forth a series of resolutions, in which, among other things I am publicly "censured," and which I wish to assist in presenting to the consideration of this Commonwealth.

Before I consider the preamble and resolutions over the signature of R. G. Williams, Chairman, and W. H. Kirtley, Secretary, I will give a statement of the facts.

Whilst I was attending the anti-slavery Christ's Church, at the Glade in Madison county, established under the auspices of John G. Fee and W. Fisk, native Kentuckians, news came that A. G. W. Parker, a native of Tennessee and now a citizen of Kentucky, and a voter of Rockcastle co., employed as colporteur of the Home Missionary Society was in jail on a charge of "having attempted to persuade a slave to leave his master;" and that the bail was assessed by the Judge at one thousand dollars for the principal, and the same for the surety. Rumors also came that eighty-five slaveholders had banded together in a written article that they would prevent by violence, Messrs. Fee and Fisk, from preaching in Rockcastle county--where they had founded a Church and made an appointment. It was also understood that Parker denied the charge of his accusers.

I took a friend and went to Rockcastle, and in the Mount Vernon jail I found two prisoners committed on the charge of persuading slaves to leave their masters. The man named Shifflet, was said to be of a bad character and an habitual drunkard. I gave twenty dollars to his wife and children who are destitute, and five dollars to the jailor for his benefit--but refused to bail him. The other man, Parker, I learned was a citizen of impeachable character, a long time a member of good standing in the Methodist Church, and that lately he had become a member of the Free Church, and a colporteur. After I had read him in the presence of the jailor Mr. Fee's letter, he said that late in the night, after he had gone to bed, he was awakened by a slave of J. Newcum, who said his master had sold him, and he had run away, and wished to know how he could escape into the free States. Parker refused to give him the information, and the slave went away. After awhile he returned, and pressed his suit so urgently that Parker told him to stay at a certain place and he would see his master, and know whether he had sold him or not. The slave went off and Parker went to bed, when several men entered and took him to jail. He denied positively all intent to induce the slave to leave his master, and avowed his determination not willingly to violate the laws of his country.

Now, if this be true, Parker has violated no law--neither the "Higher Law," at it will no doubt turn out when he comes before an impartial jury of his peers. For so far from "attempting to induce a slave to leave his master" --he attempted to induce him to stand, after he had left him!

I also sent for some of the largest slaveholders and principal men, and told them that I knew well the sentiments of Messrs. Fee and Fisk, and that they in common with the whole "Abolition" or "Free Democratic Party of Kentucky," intended to abide by the Laws of the State and yet make under the Constitution and Laws, and uncompromising war upon slavery. That we begged for peace, but if the slaveholders began violence, that we were in a majority and would though not as well organized as the slaveholder, defend ourselves to the death.

I told them that I had due respect for the citizens of Rockcastle and public sentiment--that I wanted the laws to be fairly executed in justice with mercy. That because of Shifflet's bad character, I would not bail him. I learned of Parker  that in Tennessee, his character was good. I inquired of the gentlemen with whom he had lived the last two years, and he said in the presence of a dozen men, that Parker had borne himself well all this time. All other persons confirmed the same report, except W. H. Kirtley, whose objections to him were of a venial character, and I thought tinctured greatly with prejudice. I then proposed to bail Parker, to which the Judge assented. Langugae was then used by several men, intended, as I believe, to intimidate the Judge to prevent his allowing bail--but the Judge said firmly that the law was plain, and he would execute it. I then overheard J. Smith, who seemed to be the leader, say that they would give him an indemnifying bond against all penalties for refusing bail. Once more the Judge said in a manly manner, that he was sworn to execute the law and he intended to do it. We then proceeded to the Court House. When Parker was brought into the Court House, Messrs. Kirtley and Smith, citizens, and Jones, the County Attorney, contended that the prisoner was committed under the 3d clause of the 5th art., 92d chapter, Revised Statutes, concerning slaves, &c., should give bond for his good behavior, or to leave the State. I contended on the part of the prisoner, that he was committed under the 2d section, for a higher crime and penalty than the 3d section, and that he claimed a fair trial of his accusers. The Judge said that the warrant was issued on the charge of "attempting to persuade" the slave to leave his master, and that the testimony was to the same effect, as he himself had made the commitment, he was best judge of the offence, and would insist on the highest penalty of the 2d section, as is duty bound "that a violation of the 3d section, being suspected" of an attempt to persuade was simply a misdemeanor, requiring a surety for good behavior or to leave the State.*

Yet these same high minded "citizens" and lovers of law, insisted to the last on letting Parker off, simply upon his bond for good behavior, which proves that they themselves have all confidence in Parker's innocence and that he is and has been a law abiding citizen, set upon by a conspiracy of men, who dare avow that they will carry their ends "peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must."

Having thus noticed the facts, I now shall notice the preamble and resolutions in detail.

We are in devotion to the Union of these States, not behind these "citizens["] of Rockcastle--we shed as much blood in its establishment and defence as they; and we retort upon them, if they come "disunion, civil war, and anarchy"-- slavery will be the cause, which has dared to override every principle of free government, and now threatens once more our blood, unless we will yield up the liberty of the press and speech and our religious faith to its tyranny! The "Home Missionary Society," a portion of whose members are Kentuckians, and all American citizens are as fixed as the slaveholders of Rockcastle in their allegiance to the American Constitution, and under and outside of that Constitution they will be as little ready to yield their rights.

1st. The Constitution of the United States and Kentucky "recognize slavery as a civil institution," so do we. The people made it, and the people can unmake it. What ignorance is it in one twentieth of the people to say to the other nineteen twentieths you shall not "meddle" with an "institution" which is supported by their ballot box, and cartridge box! An institution which so much "intermeddles" with them--which ostracises us from all places of civil and political power and profit--which drives us into the mountains and waste lands, and exiles us from our homes--which monopolises the land and puts an eternal barrier between us and manufacturers and commerce, which builds up among us a worse than heathen castle, embittering all the social intercourse of life--which dooms us to insolated effort and consequent ignorance by unattainable schools--which saps our manhood, and damns our consciences in maintaining by the vote and the sword this greatest of all wrongs! Is not all this enough? And now, when we say we have born all this, and we in our woe, call for the Bible, for that consolation of promise in a better world, which the "accursed institution" has denied us here--you will "suppress" it--will you?

2d. If the slave-holders of Rockcastle are "well supplied" with the "Holy Scriptures," the nonslaveholders are not. Those who don't want bibles need not receive them:--those that do, ought not to be prevented, and will not be by the slaveholders. If they are prepared "to render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's" and to God the things that are His. These men and these "Ministers" are also His. These men and these "Ministers" are also "our own." Yours preach a slave-holding God--"ours" a God of Justice and Liberty. Time will prove who are most ready to fall martyrs to their Faith!

3d. Out of the thousands of "Abolitionists" in our State, a portion of whom lately carried the election of a law officer over the slaveholders of Rockcastle, it yet remains to be proved that a single man has attempted to "induce slaves to escape to the free States!" Whenever a bad citizen shall thrust himself into our party, who willingly violates the law, we will assist in his punishment according to law: but in defense of our constitutional rights in "peace" or "war" we will stand together; regarding that, which we will assist to impose on no man--slavery, as the greatest of all "calamities!" If for this we must die--with Patrick Henry our aspiration shall ever be, "Give me liberty or give me death."

4. The resolution which condemns my conduct I regard as an imperishable honor. It is not true, that which imputes to me any "pretence." When in in your midst you attempted to overawe me in the discharge of a simple act of humanity and duty, I told you that I would explain "why I came all the way from Madison to bail Parker." That I had understood that he held similar political views with myself against slavery--that I was not a man to avoid responsibility, there or elsewhere--and that all the world might know--that whenever the humblest citizen of my party was in distress my purse and my person were always at his service." Your party made the constitution and the laws--you had by our tameness of spirit or ill-timed magnanimity, all the power. If you did not intend for an offence against the 2d and 3d sections of the statute to be a bailable one, why did you not say so? No, it was you who attempted to overawe the Judge and override the laws and make them "powerless." It is a calumny that I desire or encourage lawlessness. I left man in jail because of his bad character--another I bailed because of his good character. I told Parker in your presence and the presence of the Court, that if I had reason to believe that he at any time had violated or should violate the laws, that I would withdraw from his suretyship, and recommit him to jail. No! it is not I--who would base all "institutions" upon justice and conscience--who would put the bible and laws in the house of every man subject to both--who encourage "to violate female chastity or murder the infant. It is I who would put down that 'institution' which allows you to do it! No! It is you who repress education and moral instruction--who dare deny the Holy Scriptures to all the slaves and all the non-slaveholding white millions of this accursed South--who sear the conscience and imbrute the men "to violate female innocence and murder infants." The fact is on record in divers places that you have been the cause of the committal of these crimes upon the wives and infants of "ours:" and caused the perpetrators to be "run off!" How much longer will "our" overpowering numbers allow you to add insult to injury?

The letter of Jno. G. Fee is worthy of him, and he is fully able to speak for himself. God speed him in his errand of love and mercy. Acknowledging the equality of all men before the law--and their brotherhood before God, he is a worthy representative of "our ministers" of the Christian Religion. Amid the millions of Pharisees who sit in high places--who do their alms to be seen of men--who cry Lord--Lord--whilst devouring the houses of widows and orphans--a time serving generation, who know not of a 'Higher law' than the lust of worldly gain, he is not silent. There let him ever be found in the "Glade" and other bye places, which a God-defying 'institution' has made waste, kneeling with the poor and friendless--still crying "our father who art in Heaven--forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us"--visiting those who are in prison--and feeling with those who are in bonds, as bound with them!

Yes "citizens" of Rockcastle, welcome the contrast of your "ministers" and "ours"--and if Kentucky has not 'lost the breed of noble bloods,' many more will hasten to incur your "censure."

I ask all papers which have published the resolutions and statement of the "Citizens of Rockcastle" and all who are in favor of freedom of speech and the press, and liberty of conscience, to give our defence--and may Kentucky yet be free.

C. M. CLAY.

White Hall P.O., Sept. 2d, 1853.

* Under this section, the liberty of seven hundred thousand of the people of this Commonwealth, is insidiously endangered. Whenever a man is true enough to the instincts of nature to refuse to become the watch dog of slavery--some slave-holder, and they are not wanting in that virtue, has only to swear that he "suspects" him of an intent to induce a slave to leave his master, and the poor devil is thrown into prison to die, or forced to sign the warrant of his own exile from his native land. It is therefore to be expected that when one interposes himself between them and their victim, that he will meet their "highest censure." Are they so impatient for the sacrifice that they cannot wait till march next--but must see Parker suffering almost certain death in jail before condemnation by law? the jail seemed to be about twelve feet by fourteen of wood logs, floored with the same; though an aperture in the floor, the prisoner was let down into a close room by a rope or ladder, and then the trap door closed--there seemed to be no ventilation, and but one aperture, not allowing light enough for Parker to read the letter I carried him: the stench was intolerable and a Mexican prison was never fuller of vermin! Are these men so impatient for a victim that they must go to a man's house at the dead hour of night when the faculties are unstrung, and by the strong instincts of humanity, tempt a man to violate an arbitrary law? How dare "respectable citizens" to thrust themselves with their slave into Parker's cabin? Shall the poor man have no home? Shall the sanctity of the bed-chamber and the hearth stone be known only to the wealthy slave-holder? Shall the laborer's wife and children have no resting place where brutal intruders dare not come? Where are the sons of the Boons and the Kentons? Does no trusty rifle rest upon the rack to teach our tyrants that among freemen, the cabin and the palace are alike inviolable?

It is due to the people of Rockcastle, to say that, so far as I could judge a large portion of all classes, sympathise with me in bailing Parker, whom many believed an innocent and oppressed man.--The people now begin to feel to their sorrow,w hat I told them long ago, that liberty and slavery cannot co-exist! One or the other must die!

C.M.C. [3]


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[September 24, 1853] -


FREEDOM IN KENTUCKY -- C. M. CLAY.

Glenville, Lewis Co., Ky., Sept 5. 1853.

FRIEND GREELY: However much you may differ from others as to the best method of removing Slavery, one thing is apparent--that is, that you loath Slavery--loath it as an incubus upon all that is lovely or valuable, and therefore must hail with delight every indication of its ultimate overthrow.

I have just returned from another visit to C. M. Clay and the Free Churches in Madison and Rockcastle counties. I found Clay at home, resolute in purpose, sanguine in expectation, but calm in hope. He still believes a "lie will not live always." He expects this nation yet to see the falsity of Slavery--its impolicy and cruelty--and with righteous indignation crush the monster--the common enemy of God and man.

There is about Clay and his home much interest. He is social, generous and hospitable. His wife is kind, intelligent, pleasant, professing faith in Jesus. His is not the home of infidelity that many suppose. He is unbelieving in reference to a Slaveholding religion, and the popular ministry of this age. And whatever skepticism he may have had in reference to the Plenary Inspiration of the Old Testament, that was, as I apprehend, produced, as in many others, more by pro-slavery feeling than anything else. But his late speech at the Hale Dinner, in Boston, shows how he now regards Christianity.

His domestic affairs are conducted with marked system, temperance and cheerful industry. The rich inheritance of his father he has not squandered in prodigal living and sensuality, as many other sons of Kentucky have done. He holds it, as I trust, to do good with. The capacious farms of more than two thousand acres is neatly fenced, cleaned up, and well set in grass. Hundreds of fat cattle graze on the green pastures, and return to their owner a handsome profit. He is humane, compassionate and generous. This farm is conducted by Free Labor, demonstrating, in the midst of Slavery, the practicability and utility of free institutions.

With the management of his farm he has coupled a vigorous system of trade in Hogs and Cattle, for the last two years, which has been very profitable. I allude to these things simply because they show in him capacity for more than writing and speech-making. Some men have capacity for some one thing; he has capacity, beyond most men, for many things.

He is ever ready to help the virtuous when in want. While attending the meetings of the Free Church in this county, he received the intelligence that a colporteur, recently commissioned by the American Missionary Association, in an adjoining county, had, under false pretense, been seized and thrown into jail. He made inquiry concerning the man, immediately repaired to the place of confinement, and, after a protracted and opposing effort, bailed the colporteur, who was a poor man but in good standing with his church (Methodist Episcopal) though he had committed himself to join, in a short time, the Free Church movement. Many other incidents of his kindness and generosity, even to enemies, I could now enumerate, if space would allow and utility demanded.

He has been active in his own and adjacent counties in distributing anti-slavery documents, and enlightening public sentiment.

The efforts of those who have opposed him and the cause of freedom, have most signally reacted upon themselves and their cause. The violence offered has only served to awaken a corresponding determination and hostility on the part of many of the friends of freedom--more of the fighting spirit than I should like to see. But it serves to show how vain is the policy of force against a good cause.Signal disgrace and defeat have followed those who were neglectful of duty or action in the mob that tore down his press. Two men, who had influence, and could, in all probability, have suppressed the mob had they desired to do so, left the place at the time the mob was forming, or after the call was made. Both these have been defeated, the last for Representative in Congress. Shunning responsibility gave no lasting popularity. Another, who was perhaps most active and prominent as a speaker, has been repeatedly defeated and disgraced. Others, prominent, have been defeated for office. The literary institution which it was hoped would be shielded from disgrace by proximity to a free press, have gone down entirely. Lawless mobs have followed, and that, too, against the officers of the place. These, together with other facts, were narrated to me by one who has opportunity to know, and standing for veracity. They serve to show the folly of opposing right, especially with unlawful means. There may be momentary success, but the success is that of one who for the present succeeds in covering the crater of a burning volcano; it will be followed by a more sudden and dreadful explosion of the pent up fires--fires that shall burn to the consumption of every opposing obstacle.

What the friends of freedom have to do is perseveringly to sow the seeds of truth, and confidently expect the harvest--and, "in due season, if we faint not, we shall reap." There are now in Kentucky six or seven free churches--having no fellowship with slavery.* These have met with opposition and persecution. This is daily diminishing--access to the public mind is more easy, and the sphere of influence is continually increasing: though these are yet "the day of small things." The cloud, however, in the days of Elijah was not at first apparently larger than a man's hand: it spread, however, until it covered the whole heavens, and poured down showers in copious abundance.

Faith in God and perseverance in duty will again raise another such cloud, and secure the same life-giving influence.

JOHN G. FEE

*The Churches alluded to, with their colporteurs distributing Anti-Slavery documents, are under the case of the American Missionary Association. I hope the friends of freedom and a pure gospel will sustain that Society. Thus can they preach the Gospel in the South. J. G. F. [4]



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[October 27, 1853] -

A Free Democratic Convention for Madison Co., Ky., was held on the 23d ult. C. M. Clay addressed the meeting in a characteristic speech that was ordered to be published. Spirited resolutions were adopted affirming the liberty of conscience, speech, and the press, and condemning in bold terms the attempts of the slaveholders of Rockcastle to suppress those rights. [5]





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[October 27, 1853] -


The Progress at the South.

Every friend of Freedom cannot but be gladdened and encouraged at the unequivocal evidences of the growth of the anti-slavery sentiment at the South. In addition to the fact that four or five of the Slave States were represented at the Pittsburgh Convention, other indications of the great work there in progress have been seen almost every month through the present year, and we now have the pleasure of inserting the proceedings of a large and enthusiastic meeting in Kentucky.

DECLARATION OF THE FREE DEMOCRACY IN KENTUCKY.

On the 23d day of Sept, 1853 at the Glade Meeting House in Madison county, Ky., there was a large and enthusiastic meeting of the yeomanry, of Rockcastle and Madison counties favorably to the liberty of speech, the press, conscience, and the Bible.

On motion of I. D. Lane, Esq., Dr. Curtis Knight was called to act as President, and A. C. McWillias, Thos Tatum, Jno. Burnham, Esqs, and Col. John Kinnard, of Madison, and R. D. D. Cook, Perry Bates, Chas. King, and Samuel Williford, Esqs., of Rockcastle, were made Vice Presidents, & J. Harris, and Silas E Cook Secretaries.

C. M. Clay, by invitation, made an earnest address, which, on motion of P. West, Esq, was requested to be written out and published.

The following resolutions were then offered by Esquire Wm. Strapp's and Sames Kinnard, Esq., and passed unanimously by acclamation:

1. Resolved, That we have read with alarm and indignation the resolutions of the citizens of Rockcastle of the 27th of August, 1853.

2. Resolved, That we avow our alliance to the Constitution of Kentucky and the United States, and our loyalty to all laws enacted by their authority.

3. Resolved, That in those constitutions, ways are laid down for their change, when ever a majority of the legal voters will it; and all laws made under them are subject to the same change by the same will.

4. Resolved, That Slavery is the creature of law; and any property in slaves is of no higher inviolability than any other property; and the declaration of the slaveholders that they will not allow it to be discussed, written about, or made the subject of law, is an arbitrary assumption of power, at war with Republicanism, subversive of all constitutional Government, and incompatible with civil and political liberty.

5. Resolved, That Slavery violates natural right and good conscience, and the fundamental principle upon which all Governments are based, and the protection of the weak against the strong; that it subverts the authority by which they appeal to our obedience, that we yield up a portion of our rights, which belong to all in a state of nature, to secure the remainder; that it gives the lie to our Declaration of Independence, and especially saps the foundation of republicanism, that all political power can come only from consent of the governed.  We are but following in the footsteps of our fathers of 1776, "in completing the revolution which they had but partly achieved," when we avow our purpose to make upon it an uncompromising war.

6. Resolved, That if in these, our natural and constitutional rights, we are opposed by illegal and arbitrary force, we will resist it by all the means God has given us for defense; for the avowal of the slaveholders of Rockcastle, that they will put down all "intermeddling" with Slavery; "peacably if we can, forcibly if we must," is a proclamation of revolution and civil war, to which, if carried into act, none but slaves can submit.

7. Resolved, That these resolutions of the "citizens of Rockcastle" are but a fee [far?] echo of those of  Lexington in 1845, which were denounced and put down by an overwhelming majority of the people of Kentucky, and by the judicial tribunals of the State.

8. Resolved, That the case of A. G. W. Parker, accused of attempting to induce a slave to leave his master, whether guilty or not, is a bailable one; and any attempt to deny him that right, by intimidation or denunciation, is illegal, and subversive of the liberty of the citizen.

9. Resolved, That we stand by our fellow citizen, C. M. Clay, in defence of the liberties of the people. Battling ever for the interests, safety and honor of the Commonwealth, at home an abroad, he has ever stood firm when the rights of the citizen was endangered, unterrified by the assaults of power, and unseduced by flattery, or place of honor or profit. The "censures" of the enemies of justice and freedom can never lower him in the confidence and admoration of the friends of both.

10. Resolved, That all attempts in time past by the most powerful tyrannies to put down the liberty of conscience and circulation of the Bible among the Anglo-Saxon race have proved abortive; and the threats of the slaveholders to renew these attempts to "suppress" them, are impotent madness and folly.

11. Resolved, That the slaveholders and their servile allies--by repeated overthrows of common schools; by a denial of the secret ballot; by the suppression of the right of petition and free speech in the Congress of the United States and elsewhere; by the opening and destruction of letters and papers in the post offices; by illegal search of trunks, houses and persons; by ducking, whipping and killing peaceable citizens; by avowals of illegal and murderous purposes in public meetings, by denying citizens of the Slaves the constitutional privileges guaranteed to all, and closing, he courts to legal redress by imprisoning and selling into slavery free citizens of the Republic, without crime; by illegally involving us in foreign wars to maintain their supremacy int he National Councils; by opposing thro' treaty and threats the spread of Republicanism, cutting us off from the sympathies of foreign democracies, and defending despotisms in other lands; by deriding and denying in the Congress and through the Press the Declaration of Independence, and in bringing self-government into contempt; by passing and carrying into effect unconstitutional laws; and lastly, by the Whig and Democratic Balitmore platforms, politically denouncing all who venture to murmur against these atrocious acts---have made and are making a determined and consistent attack upon the liberties of this people, altogether unparalleled by the wrongs of the British Crown, against which our fathers in 1776 rose in arms! Unless the blacks are emancipated, we must become slaves!

12. Resolved, therefore, That we call upon all the non-slaveholders, and all who love liberty more than money, to separate themselves forever from the Whig and Democratic parties--names only used to delude them to ruin--and to join us, the true and "Free Democracy," in vindicating our common liberty, which the slaveholders now threaten to destroy. [6]




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[1] "An Abolition Emissary." Louisville Courier Journal, Stanford, KY. September 3, 1853. Page 3. Newspaper.com.


[2] Excerpt from "The Daily Dispatch." Richmond Dispatch, Richmond, VA. September 10, 1853. Page 1. LOC. http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84024738/1853-09-10/ed-1/seq-1/

[3] "Agitation In Kentucky." Anti-Slavery Bugle, Lisbon, OH. September 24, 1853. Page 2. LOC. http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83035487/1853-09-24/ed-1/seq-2/. Also printed in "To the People of Kentucky." The Liberator, Boston, MA. September 30, 1853. Page 1. Newspapers.com.


[4] "Freedom in Kentucky--C. M. Clay." Anti-Slavery Bugle, Lisbon, OH. September 24, 1853. Page 2. LOC. http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83035487/1853-09-24/ed-1/seq-2/

[5] Excerpt from "Editorial Gleanings." Pennsylvania Freeman, Philadelphia, PA. October 27, 1853. Issue 43, Page 171. Genealogybank.com.


[6] "The Progress at the South." Green Mountain Freeman, Montpelier, VT.  October 27, 1853. Page 2. LOC. http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn84023209/1853-10-27/ed-1/seq-2/

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